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Numer publikacji: 8464

Is the United Kingdom rasist country? - Analysis based on term after the Second World War



Supervisor: Prof. UO dr hab.Andrzej Ciuk
Reviewer: dr Tomasz Gornat




Promotor: Prof. Andrzej Ciuk
Recenzent: dr Tomasz Gornat


Specjalność: Język Angielski
Wolnego Stowarzyszenia Edukacyjnego
Regionu Opolskiego


This diploma paper is devoted to the problem of race discrimination in the United Kingdom, especially I am going to speak about the black minority. Moreover, I am going to present the discrimination in employment, housing, education and every day life after the Second World War.
The aim in the thesis is to describe the evidence of inequality, discrimination and limitation of space in every day life.
This concept of race discrimination will be based on many pieces of evidence and statistics that show intolerance in the British society.
I have devided my diploma paper into three chapters. Chapter One focuses on the political context of discrimination. I am going to present the most important laws and acts directly connected with race discrimination.
Chapter Two will chart the recent evidence of discrimination, based on statistics and data and consider these two issues from the standpoint of a variety of aspects of intolerance that this group have to face. In this part I would like to draw attention to the main idea of this diploma paper: presentation of many examples of discrimination against the black minority.
Chapter Three is devoted to the presentation of background of discrimination, everyday life of those people and some stereotypes. Moreover, I am going to give many examples of black Britons who have great contribution in every field of everyday life.
The end of the thesis contains concluding remarks and summary of the problem both in English and Polish.


Firstly I should explain such terms as: racism, minority, xenophobia, victimisation, harassment and racial discrimination.
Racism is a belief system or doctrine which postulates a hierarchy among various human races or ethnic groups. It may be based on an assumption of inherent biological differences between different ethnic groups that purport to determine cultural or individual behaviour.
The term racist has been a pejorative term since at least the 1940s, and the identification of a group or person as racist is often controversial.
Racial discrimination is treating people differently based on race.
According to Macpherson (1999) “A racist incident is any incident which is perceived to be racist by the victim or any other person.” (p 6).
Victimisation - this has a special legal meaning under the Race Relations Act. It occurs if you are treated less favourably than others in the same circumstances because you have complained about racial discrimination.
The definition of harassment introduced by the Race Relations Act 1976 (Amendment) Regulations 2003 applies when the discrimination is on grounds of race or ethnic or national origins, but not colour or nationality. Harassment on grounds of colour or nationality amounts to less favourable treatment and may be unlawful direct discrimination.
Harassment is unlawful not only in the context of employment, but also within: partnerships,
trade unions, qualifying bodies, vocational training and employment agencies.
It is also an unlawful form of discrimination in education, planning, within public authorities, in the provision of goods, facilities, services and premises, and in relation to the training and employment of barristers and advocates.
Xenophobia, according to Ellis Cashmore (1996), “means literally fear of strangers. [...]Once regarded as a psychological condition – to describe persons who feared or abhorred groups regarded as outsiders”. (p.383)
The ethnic minority communities in Britain are about 5,7 per cent of the total population but are likely to rise to about 7 per cent in the early years of the 21st century, on account of their higher birth rate. Black immigrants first started coming to Britain in substantial numbers from 1948 onwards, in response to labor shortages. At first almost all came from the West Indies, but during the 1960s and 1970s a large number came from India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. There were already thousands of non-Britons, mainly in ports like Liverpool, Bristol and Cardiff. Some families dated back to the eighteenth century and slave trading.They were used to descrimination (McDowall, 1993, p. 97).
Historically, British law neither institutionalised nor prohibited racial discrimination. However, prejudice was widespread in Britain towards Jews, Huguenots, Gypsies, blacks, Irish and other minorities. Prejudice often concerned religious as much as ‘racial’ differences.
Outbreaks of xenophobia generally coincided with periods of high migration to Britain, and the government response was to see the victims, not the racism, as the problem. Following mounting hostility to Jewish refugees seeking sanctuary at the end of the 19th century, the government passed the 1905 Aliens Act specifically to reduce the number of Jewish immigrant (Ruth Brown, 1995, p.3).
Not until 1965 were the first steps taken to make racial discrimination unlawful. After the Second World War, Britain faced a huge task of reconstruction, with massive labor shortages in many industries and public services.
Initially, Europe was seen as the main source of manpower but, with supply unequal to the demand, Britain turned to its former colonies. Governments in the 1950s did not regulate immigration, and in some cases encouraged it. London Transport, the British Hotels and Restaurants Association, and the National Health Service, all recruited in the West Indies. During the 1950s and 1960s, over a million immigrants came from the Caribbean, the Indian sub-continent, Africa and the Far East – including Britain’s remaining colony in Hong Kong.
Worth mentioning is the fact that they were British subjects; many had fought in the war, spoke English, and were willing to fill gaps in the labor market. Often they never intended to settle permanently. According to Hayes (cited in “Political and cultural context”, 2000 on-line), “the scale of migration at this stage was perceived by many to be a source of social tension, and there was a lot of public hostility towards immigrant workers. Resentment was fueled by right-wing groups and newspapers, which complained that they were taking jobs, houses and hospital beds from British people”.
In 1958, the tensions led to an eruption of street violence in London and Nottingham. Demands for immigration controls grew and, in 1962, the Commonwealth Immigrants Act introduced a voucher system, limiting entry to skilled and professional people. As Richard Musman (1991) pointed out:
The Conservstive government passed the first Commonwealth Immigrations Act, which limited the number of immigrants to Britain to 8,500 a year.This did not include the citizen of Eire (p.34).
In the mid-1960s, with a growing consciousness of the scale of discrimination and disadvantage faced by people from ethnic minorities, the success of the American civil rights movement encouraged anti-racist campaigners in Britain to push for the first ever law against racial discrimination.
The 1965 Race Relations Act defined racial discrimination as treating one person less favourably than another on the grounds of colour, race, or ethnic or national origins. It was meant to outlaw the existence of a ‘colour bar’ in Britain. The 1965 Act made it unlawful (a breach of civil rather than criminal law) to refuse anyone access, on racial grounds, to public places such as hotels, pubs, restaurants, cinemas, public transport or any place run by a public authority. Stirring up racial hatred (‘incitement’) became a criminal offence at the same time. These provisions were very limited, and proving incitement turned out to be extremely difficult. The Act did nothing to stop discrimination in employment and little to prevent it in housing.
Moreover, in order to help immigrants the Race Relations Board (RRB) was set up in 1966, mainly to oversee the legislation. It focused on settling grievances through conciliation, rather than through the courts. It set up local committees to investigate complaints of racial discrimination, and to agree settlements between the parties.
The late 1960s and early 1970s were a turbulent period for race relations in Britain. On 20 th April 1968 the Conservative MP Enoch Powell gave his infamous ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech. He called for immigration to be reduced immediately, and for immigrants who were already here to be repatriated. 'As I look ahead' he warned, 'I am filled with foreboding. Like the Roman, I seem to see "the river Tiber foaming with much blood"(cited in “Political and cultural context”, 2000, on-line).
Meanwhile, the Race Relations Board and equality campaigners continued to argue that the 1965 Act was inadequate and required strengthening. In the words of Anthony Lester QC:
“[...] it failed to touch the real problems of discrimination – in employment, housing and education. It was also deliberately designed to avoid legal proceedings, and in this it wholly succeeded. The Attorney-General was not called upon even once to take legal action”( cited in “Race Relations Act”, 2000, on-line).

The new Act came into force on 26 November 1968. As he presented it to parliament, the Home Secretary, Jim Callaghan, said: 'The House has rarely faced an issue of greater social significance for our country and our children.'
The 1968 Act kept the existing definition of racial discrimination, but it made the law broader in scope. It became unlawful to discriminate on racial grounds in new areas, such as employment, providing goods, facilities, or services, housing, and trade unions. It also covered advertising.
Controversially, the 1968 Act continued to exclude government functions and services from its provisions. There were a number of other exceptions permitting racial discrimination, such as in small residential dwellings where the landlord or family members lived in the house, small businesses (fewer than 25 people, although this went down to 10 after 1970), matters of national security, and schemes to improve the representation of people from under represented racial groups in particular jobs.
The RRB’s job was to make sure that the Act was followed, to investigate any complaints, to agree settlements, and to start legal proceedings if the Act was breached.
The Act also created the Community Relations Commission, to promote ‘harmonious community relations’ by carrying out research, making recommendations to the Secretary of State, and helping to fund local community groups sharing the same purpose – including a network of community relations councils (most of which were later renamed racial equality councils).
The 1968 Act was an improvement on the 1965 Act, but its effectiveness was still limited, particularly in employmentand housing. A 1975 government white paper concluded that the 1968 Act had made 'crude, overt forms of racial discrimination much less common', but that it couldn’t deal with widespread patterns of discrimination.
One of the main problems was that the definition of unlawful discrimination was too narrow: in order to win a case, prosecutors had to prove that an act of discrimination was intended to be discriminatory. Proving that discrimination had occurred was not enough to win a case.
By 1975 the government had accepted that it urgently needed to reform the law, ‘to address the continuing unequal status of Britain’s racial minorities’. A surge of racism in the 1970s brought some success in local elections for extremist political parties such as the National Front. But there was also a strong anti-racist reaction, and public demonstrations were organised. Meanwhile clashes between the police and black youths culminated in the Notting Hill riots in August 1976.
According to David McDowall (1998), „The 1976 Race Relations Act sought to prevent discrimination in enployment, housing and other areas, and to prevent the publication of any material likely to stir up racial hatred. At the same time, however, laws were introduced to restrict immigration”.Although these laws were not specific, it was difficult to avoid the conclusion that they were particularly aimed at coloured or black immigrants. Over the years the situation for the ethnic minorities has not improved (p. 98).
The 1976 Act, which is still in force today, extended the 1968 Act and outlawed discrimination in housing, education, employment, vocational training, residential and commercial tenancies, and in the way that goods and services are provided. It widened the grounds of unlawful racial discrimination to include nationality. For the first time it defined two forms of discrimination: direct and indirect. According to those Acts, direct discrimination consists in treating a person less favourably than others would be treated in the same circumstances.The example of direct discrimination includes refusal to consider black applicants for recruitment to a particular job. On the other hand, indirect discrimination occurs in employment where a condition of recuirement is imposed on a person or particular group of people, for example Afro-Caribbeans, who can deal with a demanding matter, but the proportion of achieving the issue is smaller than than the proportion of a comparable group of people, but white , who are more likely to get the job, even if their ability are lover.
The 1976 Act also defined the concept of victimisation as a form of direct discrimination: treating someone less favourably because he or she has complained of discrimination or helped someone with a complaint of discrimination( cited in “Race Relations Act”, on-line).
It outlawed discriminatory adverts, as well as putting pressure on someone else to discriminate, or helping or ordering them to do so. It also gave individuals direct access to the law, through employment tribunals, and county courts in England and Wales, or sheriff courts in Scotland. Unlike the earlier acts, the 1976 Act focused on fighting racial discrimination through formal legal procedures.
There were still exceptions where racial discrimination was lawful. These included jobs where belonging to a particular racial group was a genuine requirement for the work, such as in a dramatic role or a certain type of restaurant. Seamen recruited abroad, charities, small dwellings, and employment in private households, were also exempt. Like the previous legislation, the Act continued to make important exceptions for some government functions including the police, immigration, and much of the prison service.
The 1976 Act established the CRE - a completely new body with wide-ranging powers, which replaced both the Race Relations Board and the Community Relations Commission. The CRE began work in June 1977, and had three main duties: eliminating racial discrimination; promoting equality of opportunity and good relations between persons of different racial groups generally; and reviewing the effectiveness of the Act. (“1976:Third Race Relations Act”, on-line)
The 1976 Act remained unamended for over twenty years. The CRE has conducted and published three reviews of the Act’s effectiveness – in 1985, 1991 and 1998. In all three reviews, the CRE recommended further changes to the legislation. It argued that, besides being bound by the Act in the same way as any other employers or service providers, public authorities should be required by law to promote racial equality. (“1976:Third Race Relations Act”, on-line).
But this act was amended after the introducing the report about `institutional racism` mde by Sir William Macpherson in 1999.

In 1993 Stephen Lawrence, a black teenager, was murdered in south London in a racial attack. In 1999 the report of an enquiry by Sir William Macpherson was heavily critical of the way the Metropolitan Police had carried out their investigation. It condemned the ‘institutional racism’ in policing generally and made 70 recommendations for change. In the light of the report, the government considered the CRE’s third review of the Act (published in 1998), and in April 2001 the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 came into force. It amended the 1976 Act by giving the public sector a legal duty to promote racial equality. The amended law met recommendation of the Macpherson report, which said that the full force of race legislation should apply to the police.(Commision for Racial Equality, 2005, on-line)
The Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 makes it unlawful for any public authority to discriminate, directly or indirectly, in any of its public functions, with limited exceptions.
Under the Act, most public authorities must promote racial equality and good race relations. When carrying out their functions, authorities should aim to: eliminate unlawful discrimination, promote equal opportunities, and promote good relations between persons of different racial groups (in Britain, these are groups defined on racial grounds: race, colour, nationality, ethnic or national origins)
These three points are described in the Act as ‘the general duty’ of public authorities, which requires of them to consider racial equality in everything they do. Many authorities have 'specific duties' as well. One of these is to publish a race equality scheme, to describe how the authority will make sure that its policies promote equal opportunities and good race relations, and do not discriminate on racial grounds. Authorities must consult and inform the public about new policies, monitor how policies are working, and train their staff on how to meet their responsibilities under the Act.
Most public authorities also have a legal obligation to promote racial equality as employers. This means they have to monitor, by racial group, all employees and all applicants for jobs, promotion and training.
If public authorities do not meet these responsibilities, the CRE can take action against them through judicial review proceedings, if they breach the general duty, or compliance notices, if they fail to meet the specific duties.
The EU Directive on Race, introduced in 2000, harmonised racial discrimination laws across the EU, and member states had to amend their own national laws accordingly. The directive was first proposed in Article 13 of the 1999 Treaty of Amsterdam, which the CRE helped to shape.
Despite these laws and acts in Britain, there is certainly also racial tension and racial prejudice nowadays. Black people are still discriminated against in spite of laws passed to protect them, although on the 3 February 2000, the explanatory note relating to the Race Relation Act was brought from the House of Lords. The main purpose of the new Race Relation Bill is an extend further the Race Relation Act (1976), especially in relation to public authorities, and to make chief officers of police responsible for acts of racial discrimination by police officers. Despite the law, Afro-Caribbeans are very often unemployed, get low-paid jobs, or live in very bad conditions. Members of ethnic minorities such as black people, face particular problems of exclusion, they experience poorer quality housing and poorer medical care. People are not allowed to earn money for their own living. In addition, what is more hurtful and demeaning for black people is racism.
As Ruth Benedict (1991) pointed out in 1942:

Racism is essentially a pretentious way of saying that `I` belong to the Best People. For such a conviction it is the most gratifying formula that has ever been discovered, for neither my own unworthiness nor the accusation of others can ever dislodge me from my position – a position which was determined in the womb of my mother at conception. It avoids all embarrassing claims by `inferior`groups about their own achievements and ethical standards (p.5).

Racism can be very often associated with ideology or history that somebody acquires for a very long time. It can also be the result of prejudice against skin colour or other visible physical characteritics. Racists also believe in the inferiority of some human groups, it is the belief that one race is superior to another.
In July 2003, the British government incorporated the European directive into British law by introducing the Amendment Regulations 2003. This amendment made further changes to the Race Relations Act 1976: there was a new definition of indirect discrimination, and a new definition of harassment. The regulations also increased protection against harassment in non-employment cases, the right to bring a claim against a former employer, a new burden of proof, and a revised genuine occupational qualification.
The past 40 years have witnessed the introduction and strengthening of legislation against racial discrimination in Britain. Step by step, the scope of the law has expanded to include employment, housing and service providers, and public authorities now have a positive responsibility to promote racial equality. Across the European Union, race relations law in different member states has been harmonised. A range of practices, which in the 1960s and early 1970s would have widely been seen as acceptable, are now unlawful, and acknowledged as unjust.
Looking forward, the future of racial discrimination law in Britain may be very different. In 2004 a government white paper outlined plans for a single equality body, the Commission for Equality and Human Rights, to replace the existing race, disability and sex equality commissions. It would also have responsibility for equality in matters of religion or belief, sexual orientation, age, and for human rights. Currently Britain has separate laws for different kinds of discrimination, and the government is now reviewing the existing legislation to see how it can be modernised. Their manifesto for the 2005 general election promised that one task for the new equality commission will be to draft a single equality act.


2.1 The figures of racially motivated incidents
Looking ahead, we should be able to set our work of eliminating racial discrimination in eduction, housing services and the administration of justice within a firmer context of information and data during the 1990s - these sources of data will open up opportunities to identify patterns of disadvantage and possible discrimination, and will pinpoint for the benefit of service providers as well as service customer, the policy training and resource needs that must be met to overcome any discriminationthat is identified.(Commision for Racial Equality, 1990, p.19).
Mc Dowall (1993) note that “the immigrants arriving in waves in the 1950s and after soon discovered that they were the target of discrimination in class and status. Black people have generally had the worst paid jobs , lived in the worst housing and encountered hostlity from white neighbours. The initial view that black immigrants would assimilate into the host community was quickly proved wrong.”(p.97).
Spike Lee (1994) concludes:
“The biggest lie is it doesn`t matter what race, creed, nationality you are-the colour of your skin doesn`t matter, it`s the person like you are and if you do a good job, you can succeed. Bullshit!Race has everything to do with everything.”(cited in “Crawley”, 1994, p.216).
Richard Skellington (1986) suggest that
[...] in 1984 the first British social attitudes survey described a British society that was seen by more than 90 per cent of the adult population to be racially prejudiced against its black and Asian members. More than one-third classified themselves as racially prejudiced; 42 per cent thought racial prejudice would be worse in five years`time.Two out of every three white people thought Britain was a very or fairly racist society compared with four out of five Afro-Caribbeans and 56 per cent of Asians. Almost half the white respondents agreed with the proposition that `non-white` people are treated worse than white people by the police; two-thirds of Afro-Caribbeans believed employers discriminated in favour of white workers.( p.230)
Although the British society is multicultural, the racial discrimination is still widespread in many areas of public life. Studies taken in 1997 show that only 6 per cent of white people believe that there is no racial prejudice in Britain. Moreover, the evidence shows that the racial prejudice is still increasing.
According to Home Office figures, the total number of racially motivated incidents reported to the police in 1996-7 rose again from 12,222 incidents in 1995-6, to 13,151. As in past years, the government described the rice in parts to increased confidence among victims in reporting the incidents to the police. It also pointed out that the definition of a racial incidents varied widely between police forces, leading to a lack of consistency in reporting, and that half the incidents (58 per cent) were accounted for by less serious types of crime, such as property damage or verbal harassment. The Home Office has recommended the standardisation of reporting.(cited in “Racism and Xenophobia 2000”, on-line)
The chart below made by British Crime Survey in 2001 shows the risk of being a victim of a racially motivated incident in England and Wales.

Table1. Risk of being a victim of a racially motivated incident, 1993, 1995 and 1999

In 2002/03, adults from a mixed race or Asian background were more likely than those from other ethnic groups to be victims of crime in England and Wales. Almost half (46 per cent) of adults of mixed race had been the victim of a crime in the previous 12 months. This compared with 30 per cent of Asians. Black adults and those from the ‘Chinese or others’ group experienced similar levels of crime to white people.
According to the British Crime Survey the estimated number of racially motivated offences in England and Wales fell from 390,000 in 1995 to 280,000 in 1999. The number of racially motivated incidents against Black, Indian, Pakistani, and Bangladeshi people also fell, from 145,000 in 1995 to 98,000 in 1999. This indicates that increased levels of racially motivated incidents as recorded by police statistics, relate to improvements in recording and higher levels of reporting such incidents.
In 1999, the risk of being the victim of a racially motivated incident was considerably higher for members of minority ethnic groups than for white people.
The highest risk was for Pakistani and Bangladeshi people at 4.2 per cent, followed by 3.6 per cent for Indian people and 2.2 per cent for Black people. This compared with 0.3 per cent for white people.
Racially motivated incidents represented 12 per cent of all crime against minority ethnic people compared with 2 per cent for White people (cited in “Crime, Policing and Justice 2002”, on-line).
Emotional reactions to racially motivated incidents were generally more severe than for non-racially motivated incidents. In 1999, 42 per cent of victims of racially motivated crime said that they had been 'very much affected' by the incidents, compared with 19 per cent of victims of other sorts of crime. Black victims were most likely to report being 'very much affected', 55 per cent compared with 41 per cent for both Asian and White victims.
Indian, Bangladeshi and Pakistani people are more likely to be victims of household crime than black or white people. Indians were particularly more at risk of burglary than others.

The chart below made by British Crime Survey in 2001 shows proportion of adults who have experienced a crime in the last 12 months.

Table 2. Victims of Crime

Discrimination against black people may occur in very different facts of life, not only in employment but also in everyday life, which can be more harmful, not to mention that it may also cause death. A simple reason for which victims of racial discrimination think that the crime is racially motivated is the racist language that is used.

2.2 The evidence of discrimination in housing

One of the greatest obstacle to progress in the elimination of racial discrimination i getting white-run housing institution to acknowledge that racism and racial disadvantage exist. Despite all the evidence many housing managers, officers and councillors will categorically deny that racial descrimination could exist within their own organisation(Philips, 1989, p.141).
MacEwan and Verity ( 1989) note that in 1990s Britain`s minority ethnic groups live in better housing conditions than they did in the 1950s. In 1989 formal investigations by the CRE conducted in a variety of towns and cities in the UK, showed that disadvantages often accrued despite the existance of equal opportunities policies. For example, an Edinburgh study found that unlawful discrimination did occur and that disproportionate number of black tenants were allocated in the unpopular area of Wester Hailes, where 82 per cent of black tenants, as opposed to 50 per cent elsewhere, had experienced racial harassment.(p.63)
Discrimination against black people appears in very different aspects of social life, from murders, unlawful treatment by authorities, difficulties in finding jobs and accomodation.
One of the many example is Clive Walker, a black taxi driver who was looking for a room to let, however, wihout result and, as he stated later (Byggot, 1992, p.55), “...when I knocked and asked about the room, I was told it has just gone. But four days afterwards I`d walked past the same house and see the advertisement still up in the window: Room to let”.
For this reason, many Afro-Caribbeans are forced to live in poorer areas of a town or sometimes even in slums becouse white people do not want to tolerate them as neighbours. Black people often do not have enough money to rent a self-contained room, not to mantion the fact that they have to share the place with a few fellows. Most of them stay in so-called “black areas”.
These “black areas”of Birmingham such as Aston, Handsworth and Lozells are widely known as being “ghetto” because the ethnic make-up of the area is predominantly non-white. Other "ghettos" in the UK include Chapeltown, in Leeds, Bradford, Burngreave and Park Hill in Sheffield Moss Side in Manchester and the towns of Oldham and Blackburn, where racial tensions and the impact of illegal immigration are strongly felt in a working-class majority city. Ghetto is an area where people from a specific racial or ethnic background live as a group in seclusion, voluntarily or involuntarily.
According to Labour Force Survey (Spring 2002) black Caribbean and other black households were generally the same size as white households at 2.3 people.
Asian households tend to be larger than those from other ethnic groups. In spring 2002, Bangladeshi households were the largest with an average of 4.7 people, followed by Pakistanis (4.2 people) and Indians (3.3 people). Such households may contain three generations with grandparents living with a married couple and their children.
Different demographic structures, cultural traditions and economic characteristics of the various ethnic groups in the United Kingdom underlie distinctive patterns of family size and household composition.
In spring 2002, more than half of families with dependent children headed by a person of mixed origin (61 per cent) or headed by a black Caribbean (54 per cent) were lone parent families.
Asians were least likely to live in lone parent families; 9 per cent of Indian and 15 per cent of Pakistani families were lone parent families. The percentage of lone parent families among the White population was somewhere in between at 23 per cent.
The chart below made by Labour Force Survey in 2002 compares the household size by ethnic group of head of household (Clancy and Hough, 2002, para 3).
Table 3. Household size: by ethnic group of head of household, spring 2002

Moreover, Office for National Statistics sugget that black African households were more likely than any other ethnic group to live in socially rented accommodation in 2001 (50 per cent). Overcrowding may also be related to factors such as the availability of adequate housing in different parts of the country. This situation shows the chart below made by Office for National Statistics 2001 Census.

Table 4. Overcrowded households: by ethnic group, April 2001 – GB

Worth mentioning is the fact that black African, other Black and Bangladeshi households were the least likely to own their own homes. Around a quarter of Black African households (26 per cent) and less than two-fifths of other Black and Bangladeshi households (36 per cent and 37 per cent) were home-owners in 2001.
Black African and Bangladeshi households were most likely to be living in socially rented accommodation. In 2001, around a half of Black African households (45 per cent) and Bangladeshi households (48 per cent) lived in socially rented accommodation. (Office for National Statistics 2001 Census, on-line).
This situation shows the chart below made by Office for National Statistics 2001 Census.

Table 5. Home ownership: by ethnic group, April 2001 – GB

2.3 The evidence of discrimination in schools
As David McDowell (1999) pointed out that
[...]difficulties for ethnic minority children begin when they go to school. Most members of the ethnic minorities live in deprived inner city areas where the quality of the schools is worse than elsewhere and where teachers may heve lower expectations. Low expectations from their teachers and a sense of alienation from the majority white community are serious disadvantages. Afro-Caribbeans are expected to remain at the bottom of the economic scale. Asians, who do better in formal education than Afro-Caribbeans and many white children, are often resented when they surpass whites
( p.98).
According to Home Office figures, the lowest levels of GCSE attainment were among Black Caribbean pupils, particularly boys. Only 27 per cent of Black Caribbean boys and 44 per cent of Black Caribbean girls achieved five or more A-C grade GCSEs. Pupils from the Black African, Other Black and Mixed White and Black Caribbean groups had the next lowest levels of attainment. Within each ethnic group a higher proportion of girls than boys achieved five or more GCSE grades A*-C. (Ethnicity and Identity, 2006, on-line)
This situation shows the chart below made by Department for Education and Skills (Ethnicity and Identity, 2006, on-line).
Table 6. Pupils achieving 5 or more A*-C at GCSE/GNVQ: by sex and ethnic group, 2004, England

In 2003/04 pupils from Black Caribbean, other Black and mixed white and black Caribbean groups were among the most likely to be permanently excluded from schools in England.
As Richardson (2006) notes the permanent exclusion rates for pupils from these groups were 42 pupils per 10,000, 41 per 10,000 and 37 per 10,000 respectively. These were up to three times the rate for white pupils (14 pupils per 10,000), ( p.1).
Moreover, an analysis by researchers at Bristol University has found that secondary schools in Oldham, Blackburn, Bradford, Birmingham and Luton have the highest levels of segregation between pupils of different ethnic groups. (“England's 'ghetto' schools”, 2003, on-line)
Arun Kundnani (2003) notes that levels of ethnic segregation are generally high. Nationally, the proportion of Whites in the school-age population is 87 per cent but half of England's schools are over 97 per cent White. However, the level of segregation varies significantly between different groups and areas. A number of Asian communities outside London seems to have been hardest hit by segregation, notably in Oldham, Blackburn and Bradford (“England's 'ghetto' schools”, 2003, on-line).
David Willetts, the shadow education secretary, told The Observer: 'There are towns which have been divided into two where social, ethnic and religious divisions are all aligned and create enormous tensions. Schools in these towns are becoming more and more segregated. One way to tackle them is, if you're creating an academy, you set a target that it should take its students from both communities.' (cited in “The Observer 2007”, on-line)
According to Nicolas Watt (2007) in Straw's borough, there are three overwhelmingly white schools: Darwen Vale High (95.5 per cent white), Darwen Moorland High (91.6 per cent white) and St Bede's Roman Catholic High (96.3 per cent white). The segregation is matched on the other side of the racial divide. At Beardwood High, 94.5 per cent of pupils are Asian. Just 2.5 per cent of the school's pupils are white. Only one school in the borough reflects the ethnic breakdown of a community whose population is 70.5 per cent white and 26.5 per cent Asian. Of the pupils who go to Witton Park High, 71.7 per cent are white and 26.6 per cent are Asian (para.3)
The position in Bradford, scene of race riots in 2001, is not much better. Of 28 secondary schools, 10 have 90 per cent or more pupils from one community. (cited in “The Observer, 2007”, on-line)

2.3 The evidence connected with police and prison.
In 1989 the Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants claimed that each month hundreds of black people were stopped at random by the police to check whether they were illegal immigrants. AHome Office survey of two police stations indicated that in some areas a young black man was ten times more likely to be stopped in the street by police than the average white citizens. Black people feel harassed by such treatment, particularly since a growing number of black youths, the main target of the police, were born in Britain. There is also clear evidence that the police more readily arrest blacks than whites. A study in 1989 showed that although only 6 per cent of the population, blacks made up 20 per cent of those held in custody in England and Wales, and 38 per cent of those held in custody in London. Blacks, it seems are both twice as likely to be acquitted once their case is heard by a magistrate. Discrimination, or at least a failure to involve the ethnic minority groups adequately, is apparent in many institutions ( McDowall, 1999, p.98).
As David McDowell (1999) pointed out that “ by 1989 coloured police officers made up only 0.9 per cent of the police in England and Wales. Even in the trade unionmovement, which has made many statements on racial eqality, blacks are underrepresented” ( p.98).
In 1978, Ernel Kirb (1992) during an interviev in Talking Blues explained the attitudes of the Blacks toward police:
There are some policemen who are, shall we stay, over-eager, over-zealous, in carrying out their duties, so that they will pick on black youths for things, which we would consider absolutely trivial. You cannot be seen talking to your friends for five minutes before a policeman is going to come along and tell you to move on. I think police officers are to some extent reflecting the attitudes and the feelings of the population, therefore they feel that thay are being backed by society when they pick on blacks (p.55).
At the end of March 1998, an inquest jury ruled that Alton Manning, a black man, who had died in custody, in a private jail in 1995, had been unlawfully killed after being placed in a neck lock.
According to Richard Tilt (2000), the head of the prison service, “Afro-Caribbean people are more likelyto suffer positional asphyxia than Whites”. A Home Office study found in 1998 that the death of 46 per cent of all black people who did in prisons was associated with police actions or accidents where oficers were present, as opposed to only 7 per cent of white detainees who had died in custody (“Racism and Xenophobia 2000”, on-line).
In the criminal justice system, ethnic minorities are over-represented in the prison population and under-represented in positions of responsibility. There are no High Court judges of ethnic minority origin, eleven Queen`s Counsels out of 891 and only six MPs out of 651. Ethnic minorities make up 3.9 per cent of civil service executive officers, but only 2.1 per cent of those employed at grades 7 and above. Only 1.4 per cent of he armed forces is black and white ethnic minorities make up 1.7 per cent of the police service.(cited in “Race Relations 1976”, on-line)
In 1989 1,306 police officers emanated from the black community. The total number of police officers at this time was 122,265. On the 1st September 1995 the number of police officers who were black, had risen to 2,223 from a total force of 127,222. The total number
of black officers has therefore risen from 1.06% to 1.75 %. Information on rank was not kept until recently. Last year 158 of the above black officers were sergeants, 36 were inspectors, 8 chief inspectors and 1 was a superintendent. In the Metropolitan police area, of 27,395 officers on the 31st December 1995, some 797 emanated from an ethnic minority, that is 2.9% (cited in “Criminal Justice System1992 “, on-line)
In 1989, the National Association of Probation Officers published a report entitled "Black People and the Criminal Justice System". The paper looked at the experiences of black people as employees and clients of the Criminal Justice System. It found that black people were over represented as defendants and prisoners and under represented as staff in all agencies. It also found that both groups reported experiences of racism from their white counterparts.
The current report concludes that black people remain over-represented in prisons and at all other stages of the Criminal Justice System. The case histories submitted by probation officers illustrate the range of negative experiences. The fact that black people are far
more likely to be stopped and challenged by the police, in part, explains the over representation in prison and on probation case loads. The rate of increase, however, is markedly slower than in previous periods. The majority of Criminal Justice agencies appear still to fall to employ or promote suitably qualified black candidates. However, a few, notably the Probation and Crown Prosecution Services, have improved their rates of recruitment. Comparisons between that year and 1995 reveal that there are no black high court judges. Further, just 5 out of 514 Circuit judges are black compared with 3 from 480 in 1992. There was one black Stipendiary Magistrate in 1995, but it seems that no statistics were available on this group in 1992 (cited in” Criminal Justice System 1992”, on-line).
The prison service began to monitor staffs' ethnic origins in May 1993. Comparative, information is only, available, therefore for a fairly limited period. In 1993, 2% of all grades in the service were black, and this had risen to 2.74% by May 1995. In 1993, 5 governors out of some 1,013 appointments were black. The numbers have remained the same since that time. For prison officers, in 1993 354 out of a complement of 19,325 were black.
This had risen to 467 from an establishment of 19,278 in 1995, a rise therefore from 1.8% to 2.4% during the period.
The number of black people stopped and searched in London is up to three times greater than their proportion to the general population would suggest. The national stop and search figures suggest that black and ethnic minority citizens are 5 times more likely to be stopped than white people.
In July 1995, the Metropolitan Police commenced Operation Eagle Eye on the grounds that they thought that 80% of street crime in Inner London was carried out by young blacks.
The assertion was based on victim reports. (cited in “Criminal Justice System1992 “, on-line)
The following case studies were submitted by members of NAPO and ABPO during the spring of 1996. They illustrate the range of problems and issues that face black people at the various stages of the Criminal Justice System. They are indicative of the
discrimination felt, and reported, by many black defendants and prisoners. They are broadly similar to the issues raised by NAPO in 1989, and would suggest that the Criminal Justice System is still failing the black community.
● LONDON - A 30 year old man was stopped whilst driving his car for no apparent reason. A drug search was carried out and he was found to be in possession of Cannabis. He has been stopped on numerous previous occasions. Although this particular stop happened in October last year he has not been charged with any offences. He was later placed on probation for another offence.
● LONDON - A 22 year old man failed to appear at court and a warrant was issued for his arrest. The police called at his home to undertake the arrest The defendant said that he did not resist but his arm was broken when the police tried to place him in handcuffs. He was subsequently placed on probation.
● LONDON - A 66 year old man who had worked in Britain for over 40 years was at his local market and had bought a bottle of wine. Some youths tried to steal the bag and he resisted. The youths subsequently threw a dustbin at the man. This caught him on his
leg and broke his ankle. The police subsequently arrived on the scene and found him lying prostrate on the floor. The man assumed that the police would organise an ambulance but instead they assumed he had been drinking and put him in a police van. At the station a doctor was called prior to a drunk and disorderly caution. The doctor recognised that the ankle was broken and arranged for hospitalisation. The police did not make any attempt to pursue his assailant and on his discharge he was reluctant to take this up with them because of their behaviour to the incident. The police did not record the incident although enquiries by a solicitor two months later did elicit from two officers a casual memory of the incident.
The failure of the police to initiate an inquiry against the assailants hinders the pursuit of a criminal injuries compensation claim.
● NORTHUMBRIA - Research at a Young Offender Institution shows that racism was a daily experience. for most inmates from ethnic minority groups. It usually took the form of verbal abuse from other inmates or from some staff what was surprising was the low recording of these racial incidents within the prison service. There was also evidence that religious, dietary and other needs for prisoners from ethnic minority groups were not always met. All of this suggested to the researchers that, although the prison service had good paper policy guidelines, there was still a long way to go with implementation. In the view of one officer, the service tends to adopt the odd bad apple approach rather than getting to grips
with the real problems which were much deeper.
● NORTH EAST LONDON - Two defendants were in court charged with a commercial burglary the previous day. It was a joint charge - they were caught in the act. The white defendant had given an address to the police and had been bailed overnight. The black defendant had been held in custody - the police claimed that he had not given an address although he disputed this. The CPS did not oppose bail for the white defendant but did for the black man. The probation officer was later able to ~onfitm his address but bail was still opposed on the grounds of lack of community ties, including the fact of his unemployment. Both defendants were later remanded into custody.
● EAST ANGLIA - A 30 year old black defendant claimed he had been taunted with racial abuse by the police in the police station. He had no record for violence but he lost his temper and head-butted the police officer. He was then charged with GBH. No account was taken of provocation and there was no investigation into the action by the police officer. The defendant was in the police station with a group of other white men with similar offending histories. None of them were provoked to violence by the alleged insults. He pleaded not guilty but was found guilty and sentenced to 3 years.
● NOTTINGHAMSHlRE - A 3S year old Afro-Caribbean man was attacked by three whites at a local cinema whilst on an anniversary trip with his wife. He did not strike the first blow but defended himself He asked that the police be called and was later arrested and charged with affray. He pleaded not guilty and fought for his freedom for about 12 months. He had the backing of many people in the local community including Councillors and his MP. The CRE
did not appear to want to be involved.When the case was dismissed, the judge showed some anger at the defendant for helping himself He threatened to charge him with contempt at some stage during the proceedings. After his not guilty plea and trial, the charge was dismissed.
● LONDON - Two black men were standing outside a shop in South London. They were discussing the sale of a portable CD player. A patrolling police car stopped and two officers emerged from the car and proceeded to search them. No drugs were found. They then ran a check on the CD player and found that it had not been stolen. The men challenged the rationale of the search and an argument ensued between them and the police officers. They
reported the officers for unfair treatment.
● LONDON - A 25 year old black man was stopped by the police earlier this year (no obvious reason was given). During the arrest, he was verbally and racially abused. He claimed that excessive force was used during his arrest, causing many injuries.He was then charged with assault on a P. C. and was found guilty by the local Magistrates. He was given a two month jail sentence.
● DERBYSHIRE - A group of white people threw a brick at a black defendant (aged 21) in his car. He pointed an unloaded air pistol at them and they threw more bricks. when he realised his car was damaged he went back to the group and hurled abuse at them. He was the only one charged with any offence that is Affray. when a police man tried to stop him for questioning he felt he was being stopped unnecessarily and reacted by being abusive. Hence a
further charge of insulting language and behaviour. He was sentenced to 12 months probation.
Indeed, the evidence and data show the black people are treatedunjustly and improperly.

2.4 The evidence of discrimination in labour market
Richard Skellington (1986) notes that
[...] in the mid-1980s invetigations showed that while most large British employers professed to be attempting to operate equal opportunities policies, positive effects were only visible among younger and more junior recruits. For example, in an investigation into the progression of black people into middle management in 1986 the Observer reported that British Airways, ICI, the Bank of England, British Rail, British Gas, Britih Telecom did not keep records of black recruitment or career advancement. Many employers still discriminate racially at interviews and blacks are often dissuaded from applying for jobs with organisations which have an overwhelmingly white image...When it comes to recruiting for middle management jobs, worth-of-month announcements or internal advertising can also exclude blacks. (p.202)

Elisabeth Burney (1988) argued that black workers were no better off than they were before the Second Race Relations Act became law in 1968. The Burney Report concluded that without positive action members of minority ethnic groups would forever fail to join mainstream economic life and that equal opportunity practices were of “little use if there are still too few members of minority groups able to take advantages of the opportunities becouse they are held down by their position in society”( p.1)
David McDowell (1999) concludes:
Even in the trade union movement, which has made many statements on racial eqality, blacks are underrepresented. In 1988 the Transport and General Workers' Union had only one out of 500 full-time officials who was black. Like women, ethnic minority workers tend to be concentrated in particular areas of work, in declining industries or in unpopular night-shift work. Like women, too, non-manual black workers on average earn only about three quarters of the wages of white colleagues.(p.98)
It is obvious that black people have many difficulties to get a good job. The proper example shows David McDowell (1999) ” one controlled experiment, suing two actors, one white, one other black, demonstrared that a white is ten times more likely to obtain a job than a black” (p.99).
The unemployment figures confirm this. In 1982 unemployment among whites was 13 per cent, and 25 per cent among Afro-Caribbeans. A government survey in 1986 found that amoung white youths aged 16-24, 17 per cent were out of work, compared with 32 per cent of Afro-Caribbeans and 43 per cent of Pakistanis and Bangladeshis.
The situation in labour market shows the chart below (Office for National Statistics, 2004, on-line)
Table 7. Labour Market

The situation in labour market got better in 2004 year but the unemployment rates for people from non-white ethnic groups were generally higher than those from white ethnic groups. Among men, those from Black Caribbean, Black African, Bangladeshi and Mixed ethnic groups had the highest unemployment rates (between 13 and 14 per cent). These rates were around three times the rates for White British and White Irish men (5 per cent in each case), (Office for National Statistics 2004, on-line).

According to Steve Schifferes(2004), economics reporter:
Almost one in four of the population (22%) have come across racism in the workplace- more than in any other area. With 40% of black people saying they have witnessed racism in employment, this is double the figure for whites. And 34% of blacks, and 29% of Asians, say they have personally experienced racial or religious discrimination at work. One quarter of blacks also say they have observed racism in shops or the provision of other services, while one in ten (11%) saying they have experienced or seen racism in banking services. (“Racism at work” in BBC News Online, 2000)

2.5 Other examples of being discriminated
McDowell (1999) states that discrimination, or at least a failure to involve the ethnic minority groups adequately, is apparent in many institutions. The army is a good example. In 1988 only 1.6 per cent of applicants were black,and only one out of 881 people recruited as officers was black. Moreover, it was only after Prince Charles had drawn attention to the absence of black recruits in the Brigade of Guards, which performs most of London's ceremonial and royal parades, that any attempt was made to recruit members of the ethnic minority communities. By 1988 two black guardsmen had been recruited, one of whom complained of „intolerable racial abuse and bullying”. These cases of racial bullying and abuse in the army and the police force were periodically reported in the press. Because the police force is perceived as hostile to the ethnic minority communities, and because ofthe racial abuse experienced by the few who have joined, recruitment is very low. By 1989 coloured police officers made up only 0.9 per cent of the police in England and Wales. Even in the trade unionmovement, which has made many statements on racial eqality, blacks are underrepresented. In 1988the Transport and General Workers' Union had only one out of 500 full-time officials who was black.Like women, ethnic minority workers tend to be concentrated in particular areas of work, in decliningindustries or in unpopular night-shift work. Like women, too, non-manual black workers on average earn only about three quarters of the wages of white colleagues. ( p.100)
At a more serious level Afro-Carribbeans and Asians are frequent targets for verbal abuse, harassment of even attack. A government report in 1981 estimated that Asian were fifty times, and Afro-Caribbeans thirty-six more likely to be victims of a racially motivated incident than whites. The Best example of this behaviour is brutal expierence of the Meah family from Bangladesh .As McDowell (1999) describes:
[...]Mr Meah had been in London since 1963 but brought his family to Britain in 1981,and obtained a countil flat. Within weeks, gangs of white youths began to spit, swear and jodtle Mrs Meah and her daughters whenever they left their flat. Their car windscreen was repeaeatedly smashed. Sometimes they were hit or had their hair pulled. Voulnteers stayed with the Meah family to give them support and call for help. Eventually the ringleaders were taken to court and the Meahs were left alone. (p.99).
But elsewhere many Asian people go on suffering harassment. One in four Asian households has directed expierence of harassament. In Leeds, for example, a survey in 1988 showed that 45 per cent of victims of racial harassment had been forced to alter their pattern of life, for example by not letting their children play outside. A relatively small number of activists, sometimes in specifically right wing groups like the National Front, create most of the trouble. But a far greater number of whites will either sympathise with such activitis, or look the other way.
The most violent group, which has continued to attack black people are skinheads. They are very proud of being racist, although they have no formal organizationl structure themselves. The group began to take revenge on immigrants, especially black minorities, when the unemployment grew throughout the 70s. The mass unemployment in the next decade caused an increase in the number of skinheads. According to Susan Sheerin (1995), many of them ”..are members of the National Front that wants Britain to be for white people only“ (p.128).
According to Rae Sibbitt (1997) journalist and reporter usually describe the perpetrators as ‘groups’ or ‘gangs of white youths’. This description includes perpetrators in mainland Europe, who are additionally described as‘neo-Nazi skinheads’. This terminology often appears to be used in relation to perpetrators in Germany, irrespective of any evidence for the perpetrators’ actual membership of any far - right political groups. They generally focus on individual incidents: serious assaults on individuals and arson attacks on hostels housing immigrant workers. The Independent described those responsible for the arson attack on an immigrant house in Solingen in 1993 as ‘four skinheads’ who were aged between 16 and 23 at the time of the attack (p.25).
Skinheads very often made black people into scapegoats, they blame them for job shortages and other problems. The term scapegoat derives from hebrew ritual and, as Ellis Cashmore claims (1996), “the sins of the people were symbolically transferred to the goat whih was then let go into the wilderness taking with it the guilt of the people.” (p.335).
The word is more widely used as a metaphor, referring to someone who is blamed for misfortunes, generally as a way of distracting attention from the real causes. Another term for scapegoat is fall guy.
As a result, this term is used in race and ethnic relation, where similar processes take place.
It is hardly surprising that those aged between fifteen and twenty-five feel the greatest anger. They discover prejudice at school and in the streets, and when they leave school they find it is far harder for them to find work than it is for whites. In 1981 there were serious riots in two deprived inner city areas: Brixton in south London and Toxteth in Liverpool. Four years later there was another outbreak of rioting in a number of poor urban areas across Britain. In all these cases – the result of poor housing, poor education, poor employment expectations and finally of insensitive policing – there was a major ethnic element.
One of the biggest riot was in Brixton in 1981. Generally the rioting was caused by a spontaneous crowd reaction to police action - rightly or wrongly believed to be harassment of black people - and had not been planned. But the main cause was of course Lord Scarman's report. The report criticised police and the government, but it said there was no excuse for the violence and praised officers for their conduct during the disorder. Lord Scarman called for a new emphasis on community policing and said more people from ethnic minorities should be recruited to the force. According to Tim Helbing (1981) reporter the BBC:
On the night of 10 April two police officers were attempting to help a black youth who was bleeding from a suspected stab wound when they were approached by a hostile crowd. The local community was already aggravated by "Operation Swamp" - during which large numbers of black youths were stopped and searched - and the confrontation quickly escalated. Over 300 people were injured, 83 premises and 23 vehicles were damaged during the disturbances, at an estimated cost of £7.5m (cited in “1981: Brixton riots report blames racial tension”, BBC on-line).
Worth mentioning, very bloody riot was in 1979 in Southall when Blair Peach a teacher for special needs children in east London was killed. Witnesses said his injuries were caused by police baton blows. Martin Gerrald, one of the protestors, was nearby Mr Peach at the time. Martin Gerrald (1979) described this scene:
The fighting began when thousands of protesters gathered to demonstrate against a National Front campaign meeting. Police had sealed off the area, and anti-racism demonstrators trying to make their way to the town hall were blocked. In the confrontation that followed, more than 40 people, including 21 police, were injured, and 300 were arrested. Bricks and bottles were hurled at police, who described the rioting as the most violent they have handled in London.
During an incident in a side street 100 yards from the town hall, he was seriously injured and collapsed, blood running down his face from serious head injuries. He died later in hospital. Mr Peach was hit twice in the head with police truncheons and left unconscious,the police were wielding truncheons and riot shields. It was a case of the boot just going in - there was no attempt to arrest anybody (cited in “1979: Teacher dies in Southall race riots”, BBC, on-line).
The prejudice against ethnic minorities also occurs in murders of Afro-Caribbeans only becouse of the colour of their skin. The sources found in the article entitled “Racism and Xenophobia” deal with murders commited on black people. According to Richard Evans (1993):

The much publicised killing of Stephen Laurence, the black A-level student who was stabbed to death by a gang of white youths, was the fourth racially-motivated killingin southeast London over the past 18 months.Racial attacks in the area have risen by 140 per cent over the past 2 years. In London as a whole, there were almost 3,400 racial crimes during 1991 an increase of 24 per cent over the previous year (“Race against time”in Geografical, 1993, on-line).
Stephen, an 18-year-old A-Level student, was stabbed to death by a gang of five white youths in April 1993. Five men were named by locals as being responsible for the murder, including David Norris, whose father, Clifford, was a convicted drugs trafficker. They were arrested but murder charges were later dropped. A bungled police investigation of the case followed. No one has been convicted of the killing but five men - Neil Acourt, his brother Jamie, David Norris, Gary Dobson and Luke Knight - were arrested soon after the event. Three of them were acquitted of murder after a private prosecution brought by the Lawrence family collapsed at the Old Bailey in 1996. Tonight's documentary alleges police corruption may have prevented Stephen's killers being brought to justice.
Researches in 1997, after the lawsuit against 5 men suspected of the racism murder of Stephen Laurence in 1993, showed that the crime had been unlawfully commited in a completely inprovoked racist attack by five youths. What is worth mentioning is the fact that those five men were implicated in the murders, but two had cases against them abandoned, and the three others were formally acquitted of the murder after the private prosecution, which was brought by the Lawrence family, but collapsed in 1996. Members of black society stated that the authorities were protecting the five men (Racism and Xenophobia, 2000, on-line).


Racism is a very controversial subject and it causes different reactions. The British have a tendency to criticise the others, making comparisons with other people. There is an assumption that one group is superior to another; white people think that they are superior to black people.
According to Smith (1957) the ‘fundamental’ of both Western civilisation and Christianity in the Western World “is their inability to recognise that they share the planet not with inferiors but with equals. Unless western civilisation intellectually and socially, politically and economically, and the Christian church theologically, can learn to treat other men with fundamental respect, these two in their turn will have failed to come to terms with the actualities of the twentieth century” (p.23).
Alex Taylor (2002) explains why capitalism thrives on racism:
“The first is that racism is part of human nature--that it’s always existed and always will. The second is the liberal idea of racism--that it comes from people’s bad ideas, and that if we could change these ideas, we could get rid of it.” (p.8)
It is obviously according to Van the Berghe (1967) not just presence of physical differences between groups that creates races, but “the social recognition of such differences as socially significant or rele-vant” (p.67).
Why do certain societies consider such differences important, whereas others do not? Van de Berghe (1967) says that “Allowing...for the independent discovery of racism in a number of societies, it remains true that the Western strain of the virus has eclipsed all others in importance”, and it is only through the colonial expansion of Europe that racism spread widely over the world. The reasons commonly given for Western racism include personality, social Darwinism, and bour-geois ideology (p.68).
P. Mason (1954) reminds us of the basic facts:
“It does no seem that the barriers are based on an aversion which is innate between the races themselves, something comparable with the dislike which most people feel of snakes and some cats... Children do not seem to feel any aversion for people of ano-ther colour until it is taught them”.(p.87).
Many social commentators apply the idea of ‘class struggle’ to explain racism. For them racism is a kind of bourgeois ideology designed especially to “rationalize the exploitation of non-white people of the world”, especially during the imperialistic phase of Capitalism, and that is why it is defined as an “epiphenomenona sympto-matic of slavery and colonial exploitation” (Van den Berghe, 1967, p.54).
This, in a way, is what F. Fanon (1990) suggests , when he talks as a black man: “the white man was wrong. I was not a primitive, not even a half-man. I belonged to a race that had already been working in gold and silver two thousand years ago”. (p.43)
As Wiliams(1989) summarized this process:
"Here then, is the origin of Negro slavery. The reason was economic, not racial; it had to do not with the color of the laborer, but the cheapness of the labor...This was not a theory, it was a practical conclusion deduced from the personal experience of the planter. He would have gone to the moon, if necessary, for labor. Africa was nearer than the moon." (p.20)
Discrimination is caused mainly by a lack of particular knowledge, which is based on stereotypes and beliefs. Prejudice towards black people can be caused by social and low educational status and of course by having none social contacts with this group.
Afro-Caribbean people were very often judged as dirty, unintelligent, lazy and criminal people. Prejuice towards them is based on some stereotypes of the victim.
Researchers carried out by MORI COMMISION in 2001 shows that attitude of English people is still prejudiced towards minority groups of every distinction. The MORI poll shows that England still is racial and has a long way to become an open and tolerant society. Nowadays almost two third of people in England can name at least one minority group towards whom they feel less comfortable.
There are many organisations fighting against discrimination in Britain. One of them is Youth Action Against Discrimination which suggests that:
[...] Each society an community deals with the issue of discrimination against particular groups that are not mainstream “parties”and fight for public visibility and recognition. These groups are sometimes denied vital human rights and are restricted in their access to public goods, employments, cultural autonomy, and even the right to freely definite themselves. The criteria for discrimination are very broad, ranging from gender, sexual orientation, ethnicity, religion, political views, age[..]Prejudice, stereotypes and discrimination are deep imbedded in our value system, law systems, paterns of action and won`t be subject to change unless a strong mobilization, a continuous development of theory and practice will take place (“Youth Action Against Discrimination, 2002, on-line).
According to McDowell (1999):
In some places the bariers have begun to be broken down, but it has required determination. When the Afro-Caribbean footballer, John Barnes, began to play for Liverpool Football Club, he was met with racist abuse from spectators. When play took him to the edge of the pitch he was spat upon and showered with bananas. Barnes refused to react, and slowly won the respect of the crowds. More black players have become a frequent sight in football matches. But the suspicion remains, in the words of one newspaper that, like other black players, Barnes “has not so much been accepted as being black as forgiven for it”( p.99).
Despite the fact that black citizens are widely discriminated against, they have made notable contribution in every field of everyday life. At the beginning of the 1980s, an increasing number of black British have achieved success in many areas of life. For instance:
●Colin Jackson - the most be-medalled British athlete of all time world record holder for 110
metre hurdles;
●Craig David - youngest UK black male to have a no. 1 - R&B transatlantic sensation.
●Baroness Patricia Scotland - in 1991 she made legal history becoming the first black female QC (Queens Counsel) at the age of 35. She was made a bencher of the Middle Temple in 1997, becoming a judge in 1999, and raised to the Privy Council in 2001 ; She is also a member of the bar in Antigua and Dominica. In 1997 she was created a peer as Baroness Scotland of Asthal, in the County of Oxfordshire. The Baroness is considered to be a rising star in the Tony Blair administration that is impeccably well connected, being close to two of Prime Portrait in The National Minister Blair's Gallery confidants: Charles Falconer (Britain's Solicitor General) and Derry Irvine (Lord Chancellor).
●Lord John Taylor - first black Tory peer; His interest in the media is evidenced by his role as Vice President of the British Board of Film Classification; Vice Chairman of The All Party Parliamentary Media Group and role as presenter with ITV, Sky and the BBC (e.g. Crime Stalker, BBC1's System on Trial with John Taylor, and The John Taylor programme on BBC Radio 2.; was awarded an Honorary Doctorate in Laws (LLD) at Warwick University on the 14th of July 1999.
●Val McCalla - Founder of Europe's largest ever black newspaper "The Voice" also founded "Black Britain" and "The Weekly Journal".
●Claudia Jones - founder of Britain's first black weekly newspaper "The Westindian Gazette", also known as the mother of the Notting Hill Carnival.
●Professor Stuart Hall - leading black academic and broadcaster.
●Lord David Pitt - medic, political pioneer and labour peer for Hamstead, In 1975 Prime Minister Harold Wilson appointed Pitt to the House of Lords as Lord Pitt of Hampstead. According to Pitt himself, however, his most valued honour was his election as president of the British Medical Association from 1985 to 1986, a position few general practitioners achieve. After his death, many lamented that Pitt "should have been the first Labour Member of Parliament".
●John Barnes - spent 10 years at Liverpool, where he helped them to win the FA Cup and two League Championships. A brilliant solo goal against Brazil marked John's arrival on the international scene and he went on to score 12 goals in 78 appearances for England.
●Lennox Lewis - Britain's most successful boxer; Lewis decided to put something back into the community and in 1994/5 opened up The Lennox Lewis College in east London. He wanted to create opportunities for young black people, especially males, whose inherent talent often went unrecognised. Unfortunately it has recently closed due to lack of support from the appropriate authorities. However, during its lifespan a number of young people benefited from being associated with it.
●Lord Leary Constantine - cricket legend, Political activist and first black peer; Constantine became a popular broadcaster, and was awarded the MBE in 1945, was called to the Trinidad bar in 1955, and served as Trinidad and Tobago's high commissioner from 1961 to 1964. He was knighted in 1962 and made a life peer - Baron Constantine of Maraval and Nelson in 1969.
●Bernie Grant - activist, Britain first black councillor, and joint first black MP; Grant joined the Labour Party in 1975 and was elected as Member of Parliament for Tottenham in 1987.
Paul Boateng - First black cabinet minister and joint first black MP;
●Diane Abbott - first black woman MP.
Successive governments have introduced legislation that promises absolute equality for non-white British citizens. But the promise has remained unfulfilled. Government has not done enough to implement functional equality it the areas over which it has direct control, and white Britons have not yet accept Afro-Caribbeans and Asian who are born and grow up here (now more than 40 per cent of their communites) has begin as British as themeselves. Reporting on the Brixton riost of 1981,Lord Scarman wrote: “We must create a black British middle class... black and brown as well as white faces must be seen not only on the production line but also in positions of authority and influence at all levels of society” (McDowell, 1999, p.100).
According to British Home Office the government should create “One Nation”, where all races would be acceptable, a country in which every member of society has the same rights and where racism would be unacceptable. Moreover, everyone ought to be treated equally. In 1991, the former British Prime Minister, John Major, said to a group of black students during the meeting of the Windsor Fellowship: “I regard any barrier built upon race as pernicious-all the more so as Black and Asian people have lived in this country for a long time. I hope you can say you re Black, British and Windsor Fellows, and are proud of all there”. (Byggot, 1992, p.6)


Recently,there have been many waves of immigratoin into Britain and movement within the UK. For example,many people from Wales, Scotland and Ireland have settled in England; and Jews, Russians, German, and Poles have come to Britain (particularly London) during political changes in the rest of Europe. Commonwealth citizens were allowed free entry into Britain until 1962. Before the Second World War these immigrants were mostly people from Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa. In the 1950s, people from the West Indies, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Hong Kong were encouraged to come and work in Britain .
However, those groups are especially exposed to discrimination in many fields of life.
My aim in this diploma paper, which was to describe the evidence of inequality, discrimination and limitation of space in every day life of black people, has been achieved.
In the first chapter I presented many laws and bills that were passed to prohibit discriminstion towards the race minorities.
In spite of these acts, the British attitude towards race minorities still is bad.
In the second chapter I presented statistics and evidence which show that among Britons racial discrimination exists.
In the final chapter I focused on causes of racism and everydy life of this group. Moreover, I presented many famous black British who have great contribution in every field of everyday life.
In my opinion all national governments, institutions and of course all the people in the world should take serious steps to overcome discrimination.


This diploma paper is devoted to the problem of race discrimination in the United Kingdom. I focused mainly on the Afro-Caribben minority.
I presented the problem of discrimination in many aspects of life such as: employment, housing, education after the Second World War. I described the evidence of inequality, discrimination and limitation of space in every day life of black Britons.
The concept of race discrimination is based on many pieces of evidence and statistics that show intolerance in the British society.
I have divided my diploma paper into three chapters.
In the first chapter I focused on the political context of discrimination. I presented the most important acts directly connected with race discrimination.
In the second chapter I demonstrated the evidence of discrimination, based on statistics and data.This chapter gives several examples describing unfair treatment this minority.
In the third chapter I focused on causes of racism and everyday life of this minority. Moreover, I presented many famous black British who have great contribution in every field of everyday life in United Kingdom.
In conclusion, th author states that all national governments, institutions and of course all the people in the world should take serious steps to overcome discrimination.


Praca ta została poświęcona problemowi dyskryminacji rasowej w Wielkiej Brytanii. Skupiłem się głównie na dyskryminacji rasowej w stosunku do mniejszości Afro-Karaibskiej.
Problem dyskryminacji przedstawiłem w wielu aspektach życia takich jak: zatrudnienie, szkolnictwo czy też mieszkalnictwo. Opisałem także przykłady nierówności, dyskryminacji i ograniczenia przestrzeni życiowej ciemnoskórych Brytyjczyków.
Koncepcja dyskryminacji rasowej oparta jest na wielu dowodach i statystykach pokazujących brak tolerancji w brytyjskim społeczeństwie..
Pracę podzieliłem na trzy rozdziały.
W pierwszym rozdziale skupiłem się na politycznym kontekście dyskryminacji. Przedstawiłem najważniejsze akty prawne bezpośrednio związane z problemem dyskryminacji.
W drugim rozdziale przedstawiłem dowody rasowej dyskryminacji, oparte na statystykach i danych. W rozdziale tym zostało zawartych kilka przykładów opisujących niesprawiedliwe traktowanie tej mniejszości.
W trzecim rozdziale skupiłem się na przyczynach rasizmu w codziennym życiu tej mniejszości. Ponadto przedstawiłem wielu ciemnoskórych Brytyjczyków, którzy mają wielki wkład w każdej dziedzinie życia Wielkiej Brytanii.
(Byggot, 1992, p.6) W zakończeniu autor stwierdza, że wszystkie rządy, instytucje i oczywiście wszyscy ludzie na świecie powinni podejmować poważne kroki aby walczyć z dyskryminacją.


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